In the traditional Lebanese society, modesty is highly valued, and women, regardless of their faith, often covered their heads or faces as a sign of respect and adherence to cultural norms. Veiling is a symbol of modesty and is often associated with protecting a woman’s honor and dignity. The passage highlights this cultural norm, and their actions were influenced by the approval or permission of their husbands. This event reflects the societal dynamics and expectations of Lebanese women during the middle of the 19th century. This specific moment shows the roles and interactions between men and women within the societal dynamics during the middle of the 19th century. The sentence above asserts the expectation from Lebanese women in public social events. This cultural norm is embodied through women following certain customs and traditions, and their actions are influenced by the approval or permission of their husbands. The action of seeking permission and adhering to veiling practices is deeply intertwined with cultural norms, gender roles, and the preservation of traditions. This behavior is rooted in cultural norms and practices prevalent in some traditional and conservative groups in Lebanon at the time.

The phenomenon above might be viewed as gender segregation where interactions are deeply rooted in cultural practices and norms, particularly in societies where strict gender roles are demanded. In such contexts, men and women often adhere to separate spheres of interaction, especially in public settings or when unrelated individuals are present. This separation serves to maintain modesty and uphold social expectations regarding appropriate behavior. In oriental societies at the time, seeking permission from a husband or male relative before engaging in certain activities, such as lifting a veil, is viewed as a sign of respect for authority and a means of ensuring protection and security. These customs are intertwined with broader social etiquette and cultural values, reflecting a commitment to upholding traditions and honoring cultural heritage.

28 avril 1855

“Le Dr Suquet dîne chez nous. D’affreux cris m’attirent dans une maison voisÎne où je trouve une jeune femme druze dans les douleurs de l’enfantement, elle souffre depuis trois jours. Elle est assise sur une chaise disposée pour la circonstance, sa mère et sa belle-mère la soutiennent et crient autant qu ‘elle, une vieille accroupie devant elle attend l’enfant pour le recevoir. Par terre en face de la patiente une trentaine de femmes rangées, jambes croisées, sur plusieurs lignes, attendent aussi. Ce sont les parentes et amies. Chaque fois que la jeune femme jette un cri de douleur toutes ces femmes y répondent par un affreux hurlement. Pendant ce temps le jeune mari régale dans la pièce attenante les amis et les musiciens qui doivent fêter le nouveau-né. Je propose à la patiented’a ller chercher notre docteur. Elle demande qu’ il lui envoie une boisson pour hâter sa délivrance, elle serait déshonorée pour toute sa vie si le hakim la touchait. Les cri s et hurlements continuent toute la nuit…”

The central character in the passage above is the young Druze woman who is in labor. Her experience and cultural beliefs about childbirth are described in detail. The young woman’s mother and mother-in-law are mentioned as they provide support to the laboring woman during childbirth. There is an older woman mentioned who is seated in front of the laboring woman, waiting to receive the newborn child. The father of the child is mentioned as he was hosting friends and musicians in an adjacent room to celebrate the birth of his child.

The passage shows some cultural Sensitivity towards genders embodied by the reluctance of the young Druze woman in labor to be examined by a male doctor, even after her suffering for 3 days. This is due to concerns about honor, underscoring the importance of cultural sensitivity in healthcare practices. This aspect of the passage highlights the need for healthcare providers to respect cultural beliefs and preferences when providing essential medical care.

This passage also highlights the cultural significance of the gender of the newborn child among the Oriental community. In this case, the birth of a girl is not celebrated with joyous festivities, in contrast to the birth of a boy. This reflects a common cultural practice in many societies at the time, where the gender of a child can hold varying degrees of importance.

29 avril 1855

“une petite fille druze vient au monde. Je vois de ma croisée les musiciens sortir silencieusement de la petite maison druze, puis les convives s’en aller en se lamentant. Pas de musique aucun signe de satisfaction. J’appréhende un malheur, je fais demander des nouvelles. La mère et l’enfant se portent bien, le malheur qu’on déplore est la naissance d’une fille, les réjouissances ne peuvent avoir lieu que pour fêter l’honneur d’avoir mis au monde un garçon. C’est toujours ainsi chez tous les Orientaux,druzes, musulmans et chrétiens. Une fille naîtrait-elle après plusieurs de ses frères et serait-elle au fond la bienvenue, l’usage défend de la recevoir avec des démonstrations joyeuses et ordonne les pleurs.”

The passage above also emphasizes cultural variability within the Lebanese population. The Countess mentions similar customs regarding the gender of newborns existing across various religions and sects in the region, including Muslims, Christians, and Druze. This demonstrates how cultural practices can transcend religious boundaries.

During the Countess’ trip to Cairo, the Countess visited the Harem of Mustapha bey on the 29th of March 1855.

“At 8 o’clock in the morning, a walk in the streets and bazaars of Cairo. One never tires of admiring this old Arab city; at every street corner, one discovers beauties in fine sculptures, arabesques, etc. At 1 o’clock, appointment at Mr. Helouis’ with Mrs. Bonfort who introduced me to the harem of Mustapha bey, said to be the most numerous and magnificent harem of all the princes of Egypt. […] We go there by car. A black eunuch opens the gate for us and closes it with one of the keys from his keychain hanging from his belt. We cross the garden where bands of young slaves frolic. An older slave introduces us into the first room of the palace and encourages us to rest in the diwan because the lady is praying.

The lady is Mustapha bey’s mother, widow of Ibrahim pasha, she who directs her son’s harem. After a quarter of an hour of waiting, she receives us. We cross a first salon where there is a basin and towels embroidered with gold, which have just been used for the ablution preceding the prayers. The lady is sitting on the divan of a second salon, one of her daughters-in-law stands beside her; she comes forward a few steps to meet us and bows slightly, the mother gets up as I approach and assigns me a place on the divan beside her.

Some of the slaves stand with their arms crossed along the walls of the room. The conversation begins. Mrs. Bonfort serves as our interpreter. The lady tells me that she is a happy mother, that her son consults her for everything he wants to undertake, that her son’s two wives love each other and live in perfect harmony, that the one present (a beautiful blonde) has given him a pretty little girl and that the other is the mother of a boy who has just left for Paris with his father. The latter returns from the bath, she is a charming brunette, very cute. She squats on a cushion at my feet, leans against me and examines my bracelets, less beautiful than hers. The other takes care of her two-year-old daughter, who has been requested and to whom her French governess makes a French curtsy, to the great joy of all the women, mistresses, and slaves who laugh heartily at every kindness of the child. The child falls, the mother and her rival rush to lift her up, it’s who of them will caress her the most.

We are served jams, coffee, and chibouks (long pipes) garnished with fine stones, which are renewed three times. About twenty slaves enter, each carrying a musical instrument, most of them very strange. The concert begins. Choral singing alternates with instrumental music. Arabic music, original but pleasant in its kind and executed with great harmony. Mustapha’s harem music is renowned as the best in Egypt. The lady, delighted with my applause, asks me if I would like to see a dance, I accept, she gives orders.

Three Muslim ladies arrive visiting from Cairo, one is the wife of a minister, the others are married to employees. The latter were slaves in this harem and for their good services were endowed by their master, since then they can let the tails of their long robes trail, front and back, open on the sides and fastened under the hip over the wide pants. The slaves always turn up these robe tails. The dowry they can acquire after a certain number of years of good service consists of a sum of money, a house, and four slaves. Eighty slaves compose Mustapha’s harem, thirty of them black.

The ballet enters; the main dancer, the one who directs the dance, looks pale and dejected, she is asked what is wrong, she says she is sick. We hurry around her, we consult the visiting ladies, and the lady decides that she must be sent to the city harem and a hakim (doctor) must be called. The eunuch is ordered to harness the carriage. The ballet cannot take place. I am apologized to: it would be too cruel to make this suffering creature dance. A woman from the people enters, she sits on the carpet in the middle of the room and tells her miseries. Every poor woman who presents herself has the right to enter like this to make her complaints heard.

Before saying goodbye, we chat again, about Crimea, the money the Sultan demands from Egypt, France, Louis Napoleon, and King Louis-Philippe, etc. The lady seems a sensible woman kept informed by her son of everything that happens. Her daughters-in-law only speak when she allows them to. On our way back to Cairo, we pass by the Abbassieh, the country house that Abbas, the last viceroy, had built. A heavy building without character, painted in canary yellow. I believe it is there that Abbas pasha was strangled by one of his kawas.”

This visit to the harem of Mustapha Bey in Cairo provides a fascinating glimpse into the intricate social dynamics and aristocratic lifestyle of the Ottoman elite in Egypt during the 19th century. It offers insights into the hierarchical structure within the harem, the relationships between family members, and the role of slaves and servants. The opulence and grandeur of the harem, as well as the elaborate rituals and entertainment, showcase the wealth and power of Mustapha bey and his family. Additionally, the interactions between the visitors and the residents of the harem reveal cultural norms and customs, such as hospitality and respect for tradition.

This visit also offers a glimpse into the traditional gender roles and dynamics prevalent within the household during the depicted era. Overall the portrayal of gender roles within the harem reflects the patriarchal societal framework prevalent, wherein women primarily occupy domestic spheres while men dominate public and political realms.

 The matriarch, referred to as “sidi,” emerges as a central figure wielding significant authority and responsibility within the harem. Her role encompasses decision-making, management of domestic affairs, and oversight of family matters. While men, such as Mustapha bey, are mentioned, the narrative predominantly focuses on the women of the household, emphasizing their pivotal roles in maintaining the familial and social fabric. The absence of Mustapha bey during the visit to Paris underscores the autonomy and agency exercised by the women in his absence. 

Furthermore, the presence of servants and slaves, predominantly female, reinforces the hierarchical structure of the household, with these individuals playing supportive roles in facilitating daily operations. Through interactions and behaviors observed during the visit, traditional gender norms are reaffirmed, with women predominantly engaged in domestic tasks, childcare, and social interactions, while men assume roles of authority and leadership beyond the confines of the home.

The passage illustrates nuanced shifts in the social status of certain women within the context of the visited harem. Two former slaves who have ascended to positions of relative privilege, the text highlights the potential for upward mobility within the hierarchical structure of the harem. These women, having demonstrated loyalty and service to their master, have been rewarded with opportunities for marriage to employees, ownership of property, and acquisition of slaves themselves. Such transformations signify a departure from their previous status as enslaved individuals and highlights their evolving roles within the household. The freedom granted to them to leave their robes open, unencumbered by traditional constraints, symbolizes their newfound agency and autonomy within the harem setting. This portrayal suggests a complex interplay between power dynamics, social mobility, and gender roles within the context of the harem, offering insights into the multifaceted nature of female experiences and social change within Ottoman society. in Cairo during the 19th century.

The wedding rituals described depict cultural traditions and etiquettes that guide the roles of both men and women in the ceremony. The bride is subject to various symbolic gestures and actions that revolve around their expected submission and adherence to societal norms. For instance, the covering of the bride with a red crepe veil and her mounting on a horse symbolize modesty and purity as she transitions into married life. Additionally, her movements, such as advancing three steps and then retreating two, signify a display of modesty and adherence to etiquette. The role of women in the wedding extends beyond the bride to include other female participants, who guide and support her throughout the ceremony. These women ensure that the bride adheres to the prescribed rituals, such as resting in the women’s chamber and performing symbolic actions like throwing milk against the wall to signify domestic harmony. Overall, the wedding rituals reflect deeply